Dont let the pink uniforms fool you! Great soldiers for the Revolution!
Now that each and every Senate Republican has vowed to block measures that would create jobs, President Obama is not going to wait for them to rebuild the economy and bring financial security back to the middle class.
Today, he announced new rules on federal mortgages to prevent more families from losing their homes to foreclosure. And that's just the beginning -- the President said he would continue to make the changes he can by executive action, while continuing to urge Congress to act on legislation to strengthen the economy and create jobs.
If Congress doesn't act, he will -- because millions of Americans can't just wait for Congress to do their jobs. That's why thousands of you have been calling and tweeting your representatives over the past month, joining the President in sending a message to lawmakers in Washington that they need to act now.
|Presidential Candidate Questionnaire|
I am Stewart A. Alexander of Murrieta, California, a life-long civil rights activist and an active member of the Peace and Freedom Party for the last nine years. Last year I ran a statewide campaign for Lieutenant Governor, and I was pleased with how well the socialist message of the Peace and Freedom Party resonated with the people and groups I spoke with during the campaign. These are times of crisis, and people are looking for answers. I am offering myself as a candidate for the Presidential nomination of the Socialist Party and the Peace and Freedom Party in order to bring to the country a message of peace, human rights, prosperity for workers, and socialism. I think people are ready to listen. I hope to help build a united Left campaign, bringing people together to work in the people's interest.
This morning, the President proposed the "Buffett Rule," which would require those earning more than $1 million a year to pay the same share of their income in taxes as middle-class families do.
This proposal makes sure millionaires and billionaires share the responsibility for reducing the deficit. It would correct, for example, the fact that Warren Buffett's secretary currently pays taxes at a higher rate than he does.
The other side is already saying it's "class warfare" -- that's their rhetorical smokescreen for providing millionaires and billionaires special treatment.
As the President said this morning, "This is not class warfare -- it's math."
The wealthiest Americans don't need further tax cuts and in many cases aren't even asking for them. Requiring that they pay their fair share is the only practical way forward. The Republican alternative is to drastically slash education, gut Medicare, let roads and bridges crumble, and privatize Social Security. That's not the America we believe in -- but many in the Republican leadership actually prefer those policies, which explains their refusal to act.
That's why they'll say "tax increase" over and over again, trying to muddy the waters and trick ordinary Americans into thinking the Buffett Rule will hurt them. And if we don't speak out right now, they just might get away with it.
If you stand with President Obama in this fight and want to see the Buffett Rule passed -- say you'll get his back now.
Of course, the Buffett Rule won't really touch most Americans -- only 0.3% of households will even be affected.
And without it, the only way to reduce our debt is to savage the programs that seniors and middle-class families rely on.
That's exactly what the President refuses to do -- in fact, he's said he'll veto any bill that changes benefits for folks who rely on Medicare but doesn't raise serious revenue by asking the wealthiest Americans or biggest corporations to pay their fair share.
This isn't just a commonsense approach to cutting the deficit -- it's the only way to make sure we can provide security to people who work hard and play by the rules.
So right now, I'm asking you to say you'll stand with the President on something that won't be easy. Get the President's back today:
Obama for America
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Three lessons from the fight to save Troy Davis
A Howard University student organizer speaks out
By Eugene Puryear
Troy Davis was executed on Sept. 21, pronounced dead at 11:08 p.m. Davis had been falsely convicted of the 1989 killing of a Savannah police officer.
Since his trial, seven of the nine witnesses who had testified against Davis recanted their testimony. Five witnesses signed affidavits asserting that they were coerced by the police. Three individuals said that another man, Sylvester “Redd” Coles, confessed to them that he committed the crime. The case against Davis lacked any physical evidence—no murder weapon, fingerprints or DNA evidence were ever presented.
None of that stopped the State of Georgia from taking the life of an innocent man.
In the weeks preceding the execution date, over 1 million people signed a petition; many more made phone calls and sent emails to local, state and federal officials demanding that they save the life of Troy Davis.
Students from Howard University in Washington, D.C., held rallies Sept. 16 and Sept. 21—the scheduled execution date. Hundreds of Howard students marched following the Sept. 21 campus rally and gathered at the White House, joined by other Davis’ supporters. Continuing to demand a stay of execution, at least 12 students were arrested.
When an announcement came minutes before the execution that the Supreme Court had granted a temporary reprieve delaying the execution, the demonstrators militantly marched to the Supreme Court to demand justice, holding a picket until the court’s decision was announced and the execution was carried out. Hundreds remained until after midnight, some of them having been in the streets for 12 hours, speaking out about their experience and plans to continue the struggle.
Despite this determined effort, repeated in cities across the United States and throughout the world, the Supreme Court allowed the execution to go ahead.
While there is much to be said about the case and the implications of the Save Troy Davis struggle, here are three lessons worth highlighting:
1. We are not living in a “post-racial” society
We can finally lay to rest this tiresome phrase.
The case of Troy Davis is at the intersection of race and class in the United States. The cops who coerced witnesses in the Troy Davis trial knew the odds were stacked in their favor. Georgia does not guarantee counsel for death row inmates, making it harder for poor defendants to properly mount appeals. According to the American Bar Association, those convicted of killing white victims in Georgia are 4.5 times more likely to be sentenced to death than those convicted of killing Black victims.
What these cops knew was the true essence of the criminal justice system. The death penalty and other “law and order” methods are political tools. They send a chilling message to the most oppressed sectors of society—primarily Black and Latino working-class communities—meant to discourage any resistance to their own oppression.
2. President Obama won’t save us
President Obama said it was “inappropriate” for him to “weigh in” on the Troy Davis case because it was a “state” issue. Seriously? In 2009, Obama weighed heavily against the trial of a woman in Iran that the United States government claims was innocent. The U.S. president can take a stand against an alleged injustice in another sovereign country, but not against a proven injustice in a U.S. state?
The White House raises the banner of democracy, freedom and human rights as a weapon against those governments it seeks to replace. The Obama administration and U.S. officials are brimming with quotes of condemnation against its targets abroad, yet are silent on the most egregious violations committed on U.S. soil, aiding and abetting the execution of an innocent man.
That is the true role of the U.S. president: the protector, the commander-in-chief of this corrupt system. Obama could have taken a stand for justice, but instead he stood by silently as Troy Davis was killed.
3. The fight-back movement is on
The fight is not over. Troy Davis’ executioners cannot be allowed to escape scot-free. There are many Troy Davises across the country, both in prison and outside. This is the time to escalate the struggle, to take the spirit of the fight to save Troy’s life and turn it into a mass fight-back movement against racism and the system of class oppression that depends on it.
The upsurge to save Troy Davis’ life is part of a rebellious undercurrent. From the massive immigrant rights’ movement in 2006 to the Jena 6 struggle in 2007 to the labor battle in Wisconsin this past winter, the fight to save Davis was a glimpse of potential, a signal of militant rejection of the suffering and oppression afflicting working people in this country.
Moving forward from here, we must turn the fight around Davis’ life into a general struggle against racism, oppression and exploitation. Troy Davis did not die in vain.